Addendum to Intermediate Biblical Hebrew Grammar, May 1, 2018

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Unbeknownst to me while writing my intermediate grammar, the scholar Benjamin D. Suchard finished a dissertation at Leiden University (in September 2016) titled " The Development of the Biblical Hebrew Vowels. " Unfortunately, I only became
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  ! Addendum to Eric D. Reymond,  Intermediate Biblical Hebrew Grammar: a Student’s Guide to  Phonology and Morphology  (Resources for Biblical Study 89; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2018).   Eric D. Reymond   Unbeknownst to me while writing my intermediate grammar, the scholar Benjamin D. Suchard finished a dissertation at Leiden University (in September 2016) titled “The Development of the Biblical Hebrew Vowels.” 1  Unfortunately, I only became aware of the dissertation after my manuscript was sent to the printer. Below, I have compiled a series of comments referring to Suchard’s dissertation, oriented to the relevant place in my book.    p. 72 n. 36 of  IBHG : Note also the thorough treatment of vowel developments offered in Suchard, “Vowels,” 99-138.    p. 80 n. 57 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 227, 236) suggests that the lowered and lengthened vowel that appears between the stem of the strong verb and the object suffix is due to analogy with the III- vav/yod   roots with object suffix (essentially due to the contraction of triphthongs, as in *  ya‘   ! eyen "  > *  ya‘   !#  n "   >  ya‘senu  = !" #$%&'()  and * ‘a  ! ayan "  > * ‘a  !$ n "  > * ‘åsånu = !" #*%*' ) and is, thus, not due to the same phenomenon that resulted in long tonic vowels in nouns.    p. 81 n. 58 of  IBHG : Compare also the contextual finite form (reflecting an earlier short */a/): +(,*%  “he rejoiced” (Ps 105:38) with the contextual adjective (reflecting an earlier long */ - /): (+$,*%  “joyful” (Prov 15:13) (see Suchard, “Vowels,” 113).    p. 82 n. 59 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 249-50) proposes another sequence of vowel shifts that resulted in both * qatl   and * qitl   nouns regularly having an initial  segol   (e.g., * %  ar‘   >  z  & r‘   = ' (.#/0  “seed” and * t   ' idq  >  '& dq = 1/2 #/3  “righteousness”). He notes, however, that both classes of noun influenced each other, so that the two classes were somewhat confused. What should have been * milko  (< * milk   [a * qitl   noun]) “his king” was realized instead as malko = 4567(,  and what should have been * qabro  (< * qabr   [a * qatl   noun]) “his grave” was realized instead as qirbo  = 48 6.91 .    p. 83 n. 62 of  IBHG : The explanation of verbal and nominal forms in relation to stress or accent receives thorough treatment in Suchard, “Vowels,” 99-138.    p. 90 n. 84 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 189-212) has a thorough discussion of attenuation and its various manifestations.    p. 91 n. 87 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 210-11, 281), on the other hand, characterizes the shift as one from */a/ to */e/ (to eventually /i/), as in the following example: *  yaq (  ulu  > *  yaq (  uli  > *  yaq (  ole  > *  yaq (  ol   > *  yeq (  ol   >  yiq (  ol = 7:;619) .  p. 92 n. 92 of  IBHG : See also Suchard, “Vowels,” 211 (number 4) and 282 (number 27).    p. 92 n. 93 of  IBHG : See now also Suchard, “Vowels,” 208-10.   ! This dissertation is available online for free: https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/handle/1887/43120 (accessed April 7, 2018).    #  p. 93 n. 96 of  IBHG : By contrast, Suchard (“Vowels,” 256) characterizes this vowel shift as one of assimilation, that is, /a/ raises to the mid-vowel / < / due to the following mid-vowel /å/.    p. 95 n. 100 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 159-88) has a thorough discussion of the history of the so-called law and its interpretation. He emphasizes (ibid., 167) that there is no evidence for this in the Secunda.    pp. 96-99 of  IBHG : Note the third chapter of Suchard’s dissertation on the Canaanite shift (pp. 65-97).    p. 96 n. 105 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 96), who does not cite Fassberg, also believes that the Canaanite shift affected historical */ = / vowels, regardless of stress.  p. 100 n. 122 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 149-56) discusses triphthongs at length and suggests that in each case the contraction resulted in a long vowel, in each case where the vowel was the same as the final vowel of the triphthong. This presumes an earlier lowering of vowels from */i/ > */e/ and */u/ > */o/ such that, e.g., *  yabniyu  > *  yabniyi  > *  yabneye  > *  yabn #   > *  yabn & )  > *  yebn & )  > *  yibn & )  >  yibn &  = >/"6?9)  “he will build” (see ibid., 280). In addition, in Suchard’s formulation, this requires presuming the retention of mimation in the immediate precursor to Hebrew, as in, e.g., *  ! adayim  > *  ! adayem  > *  ! ad  #  m  > *  ! ad  #   > *  ! ad  & )  ultimately resulting in >/2*%  “field” (ibid., 155-56). Nevertheless, as even he admits, there is no evidence for mimation occurring in any mid- to late second millennium BCE Canaanite dialect (see ibid., 151-55).    p. 113 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 96) notes that the contraction of triphthongs should have come after the Canaanite shift since forms like * qawama  “he arose” became * q $ ma and not * q * ma . He proposes (“Vowels,” 137-38) the further sequence of changes: penultimate stress; initial reduction of */i/ and */u/ in open syllables when occurring before another high vowel (i.e., an /i/- or /u/-class vowel); lowering of /i/ and /u/; tonic lengthening; pretonic lengthening; pausal lengthening in open syllables; pausal lengthening in stressed syllables in sentence final position. Another sequence of changes is listed at the end of his book (“Vowels,” 276-79), where he dates the initial lowering of vowels to the second millennium BCE, while another lowering of vowels took place in the first millennium CE, together with pausal lengthening and spirantization.    p. 124 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 213-45) illustrates the developments of the various  pronominal forms (independent, suffixed, verbal morphemes) at length. Suchard (ibid., 229) suggests that the 2ms pronominal suffix began as * -ka  and then shifted to * -k  $  (> -kå ) through analogy with the independent pronoun (which has a slightly different starting point: * ’antah  > * ’att  $ ); the same kind of analogy applies to the 2ms morpheme on qå (  al   verbs. He (ibid., 226) suggests that the 1cp suffix developed in the following manner * -n $  > * -n *  > * -n "  (the same goes for the 1cp morpheme on qå (  al   verbs). The 2fp suffix likely was initially * -kin  but then  became * -kinna  which would make its later realization with / < / analogous to the / < / that appears in geminate nouns; this vowel then spread to the 2mp.  p. 132 n. 35 of  IBHG : By contrast, Suchard (“Vowels,” 71-72) connects the adjectives with the * qat  $ l   base.    p. 133 n. 37 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 75) connects @/A:+6"  with the * qVt  " l   base.    p. 136 n. 44 of  IBHG : See also Suchard, “Vowels,” 81.    $  p. 138 n. 51 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 75-77), on the other hand, connects these words with the base * qVtt  $ l  .    p. 143 n. 57 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 258), by contrast, suggests that the earlier form of the ending was - +   y .    p. 177 of  IBHG : Suchard (“Vowels,” 82) notes an explanation for the 3fp and 1cp qå (  al   verb forms, namely that the historical */ = / of the morphemes (i.e., the final */ = / of 3fp *  ,  amar  $ , and 1cp *  ,  amarn $  [as in Aramaic]) shifted to */ B / through the Canaanite shift and then to */ C / such that the 3fp became homophonous with the 3mp.   Bibliography: Suchard, Benjamin D. “The Development of the Biblical Hebrew Vowels.” Unpublished PhD. dissertation (Leiden: Leiden University, 2016).  
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