Propaganda by the Deed and Hotel Registration Regulations in the Late Ottoman Empire , Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association Vol. 4, No. 1

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In the Hamidian Era (1876–1908), new legislative and administrative security reforms emerged that can be understood as part of the synchronization of modern states. These reforms were also influenced by the fear of anarchism in Europe and the ensuing
     Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association , Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 137–156Copyright © 2017 Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association. doi:10.2979/jottturstuass.4.1.08 Propaganda by the Deed and Hotel Registration Regulations in the Late Ottoman Empire İlkay Yılmaz A BSTRACT :  In the Hamidian Era (1876–1908), new legislative and administrative secu-rity reforms emerged that can be understood as part of the synchronization of modern states. These reforms were also inuenced by the fear of anarchism in Europe and the ensuing anti-anarchist regulations against “propaganda by the deed.” This study analyzes the Ottoman Empire’s regulations on hotel registrations as part of the new  policing technique, and explores how they were used to monitor the movements of foreign nationals. The report on the assassination attempt on Abdülhamid II (1905)  provides an illuminating example of how these new administrative practices were used in police investigations. Introduction The history of crime, punishment, and policing are relatively new research topics in the historiography of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century. These research trends have been manifested in new studies focused mainly on the legal framework, crime, prisons, police institutions, and the gendarmerie, which had been neglected for a long time. In recent years, the number of studies on policing in the eighteenth and nineteenth-century Ottoman Empire using the concepts of discipline surveillance, social control, and policing has increased. This academic tendency has expanded the use of these concepts not only geographically by applying them beyond Europe, but has also revealed the state practices of public order and security. 1   1. Cengiz Kırlı, “The Struggle Over Space: Coffeehouses of Ottoman Istanbul, 1780–1845” (PhD diss., Binghamton University, 2000); idem, Sultan ve Kamuoyu: Osmanlı Modernleşme Sürecinde “Havadis Jurnalleri” (1840–1844) (Istanbul: Iş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 2009); Fariba Zarinebaf, Crime and Punishment in Istanbul 1700–1800  (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010);   Betül Başaran,  Selim III, Social Order and Policing in Istanbul at the End of the Eighteenth Century  (Leiden: Brill, 2014); Kent F. Schull,  Prisons in the Late Ottoman Empire: Microcosms of Modernity  (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2014);   138  Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association, Vol. 4.1 The rst studies of police history, written by state ofcials, most of whom worked in police institutions from 1939 to 1960, were generally descriptive and aimed at exploring the legal framework. 2  More recent studies, such as the work of Ferdan Ergut, using the approach of historical sociology, ask about  policing, public order, and the foundation of modern state mechanisms, 3  while other studies apply different theoretical approaches to multiple case studies from various periods, transforming the study of Ottoman and early republican  police history. 4 This study seeks to understand control and policing by examining the investigation report on the assassination attempt against Abdülhamid II and hotel regulations. The Ottoman state apparatus was changing, with new administrative ofces and new administrative techniques. One of the aims of this new administrative system was to collect and le personal information. This ling process can also be understood as a classication method ensuring that if information was needed, it could easily be found by using numbers or letters attached to the personal les. To govern the population, the administra - tive system had to be efcient and standardized for effective information traf  - c between administrative ofces. Police institutions and policing techniques were also part of this administrative structure. This structure can be analyzed as part of infrastructural power mechanisms . 5  The modernity of control in the nineteenth-century Ottoman Empire can  be interpreted based on the reconstruction of the state apparatus with its new administrative structure and practices. This reconstruction involved new tech-nologies of administering society with a political strategy to consolidate state Ufuk Adak, “The Politics of Punishment, Urbanization, and Izmir Prison in the Late Ottoman Empire” (PhD diss., University of Cincinnati, 2015).2. Halim Alyot, Türkiye’de Zabıta  (Ankara: Kanaat Basımevi, 1947); Derviş Okçabol ,  Meslek Tarihi  (Ankara: Polis Enstitüsü Neşriyatı, 1939); Hikmet Tongur, Türkiye’de Genel  Kolluk   (Ankara: Kanaat Basımevi, 1946). 3. Ferdan Ergut,  Modern Devlet ve Polis Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyet’e Toplumsal Denetimin  Diyalektiği  (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004). 4. Osmanlı’da Suç ve Ceza, 18.–20. Yüzyıllar  , ed. Noémi Lévy and Alexandre Toumarkine (Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2007);  Jandarma ve Polis Fransız ve Osmanlı Tarihçiliğine Çapraz Bakışlar  , ed. Noémi Lévy, Nadir Özbek, Alexandre Toumarkine (Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2009); Nadir Özbek, “Policing the Countryside: Gendarmes of the Late  Nineteenth Century Ottoman Empire (1876–1908),”  International Journal of Middle East Studies  40, no. 1 (2008); 47–67; idem, “The Politics of Taxation and ‘the Armenian Question’ during the Late Ottoman Empire (1876–1908),” Comparative Studies in Society and History  54, no. 4 (2012): 770–97; Ebru Aykut, “Alternative Claims on Justice and Law: Rural Arson and Poison Murder in the 19th Century Ottoman Empire” (PhD diss., Bosporus University, 2011).5. Michael Mann, “The Autonomous Power of the State: its Origins, Mechanisms and Results,”  European Journal of Sociology/Archives Européennes de Sociologie  25, no. 2 (1984): 185–213.    Yılmaz / Propaganda by the Deed and Hotel Registration Regulations  139  power. This kind of consolidation brings about socio-political conicts or conciliations, which emerge in an inter-political space between internal and foreign affairs. One of the most signicant events of the Hamidian era was the Treaty of Berlin (1878), which included articles on security reforms in Macedonia and the eastern provinces. The emergence of revolutionary and nationalist organizations and power struggles in these areas coincided with the internationalization of the Macedonian and Armenian questions and shaped the state elites’ perception of threat. 6 Propaganda by the Deed and Anti-Anarchism The attempted assassination of Abdülhamid II and the report on the investiga-tion of it provide two main insights. First, the assassination attempt itself is a signicant case, as it was based on the idea of “propaganda by the deed,” orga -nized in international networks of revolutionaries and exploring the political question of Armenians living in the Ottoman Empire. Second, this case and its investigation pave the way for a discussion of Ottoman police institutions and  policing techniques. In Europe, the nineteenth century saw the breakdown of the status quo, the rebuilding of the social order, and the popular call for greater involvement in political processes expressed via the exercise of genuinely radical policy instruments. The elites made sense of such demands by recourse to concepts of disorder and anarchy. Thus, police-oriented regulations to maintain pub-lic order were put into effect. The prevailing international reservations and attitudes of dread had arisen in response to the proletariat’s mobilization in the socialist and various nationalist movements. One of the signicant mass social and political movements of the era was the anarchist movement, which advocated a stateless society and had different branches and several groups in different countries.During a period that began with Felice Orsini’s attempt on Napoleon III’s life in 1858 and culminated after the start of World War I, numerous dynasty members and high-ranking bureaucrats faced assassination attempts whose alleged perpetrators were people from the anarchist movement. After three unsuccessful attempts on the life of Tsar Alexander II, he was killed with a  bomb blast set off by the Russian revolutionary organization Narodnaya Volya in 1881. Having ignited in Russia and Europe, such acts of violence came to affect the entire world and overshadowed the second half of the nineteenth cen- tury. The terrorist wave was dened by bombings and assassination attempts in 6. Özbek addresses the gendarmerie and considers the claim that the administrative struc-ture of internal security changed in the framework of the Macedonian and Armenian Questions after the Treaty of Berlin. Özbek, “Policing the Countryside,” 47–67.   140  Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association, Vol. 4.1 line with the agenda of the anarchist movement, but it also included incidents motivated by ideologies far removed from anarchism that were nonetheless  blamed on the anarchist movement. 7  The police and the other government  bodies adopted the public imagination’s widespread tendency to identify anar-chists as bombers and terrorists. The maxim of “propaganda by the deed,” rst promulgated by Carlo Pisacane (1818–57), gained wide currency in the practice of the anarchist movement; this led to such an identication. 8  “Propaganda by the deed” is  predicated on the idea that the masses can be stirred up and their awareness raised only through action, because the impact of mass meetings, daily news- papers, and declarations is limited and subject to manipulation by the bour-geoisie. 9  It was claimed that political oppression and the ignored and derided demands of the lower classes therefore justied acts of violence. 10  The 1858 Orsini case should be considered a historical turning point when it comes to acts of violence. The Italian nationalist Felice Orsini and his group tried to assassinate Napoleon III. Although the attempt failed, it gave rise to two major discussions about public order and internationalized internal secu-rity concerns: legislation addressing acts by individuals residing within one country against another country’s residents; and the status of political refugees accused of plotting to assassinate other countries’ heads of state. High prole assassination attempts, beginning in Russia and spreading to Italy, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Spain, France, Iran, Belgium, and even the United States,  became a regularity during the era. They were not all committed by anar-chists per se; other political movements adopted the “propaganda by the deed” 7. For further information on anarchist terrorism, see Richard Bach Jensen, “Daggers, Ries, and Dynamite: Anarchist Terrorism in Nineteenth Century Europe,” Terrorism and  Political Violence  16, no. 1 (2004): 116–53.8. Ibid., 117–18; Walter Laqueur,  A History of Terrorism  (London: Transaction Publishers, 2001), 11–53; Hsi Huey Liang  , The Rise of Modern Police and the European State System from  Metternich to the Second World War   (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1992).9. D. Novak, “Anarchism and Individual Terrorism,” The Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science  20, no. 2 (1954): 176–84.10.  The Italian anarchists, Errico Malatesta and Carlo Caero, the German radical democrat, Karl Heinzen, and the Russian revolutionary democrat, Nikolai Chernyshevsky, all contributed to the development of this idea. Chernyshevsky’s manuscripts initially inuenced the nihilist movement, an effective political movement that rejected all authorities in Russia and later had an even stronger impact through the acts of the Russian revolutionary organization  Zemlya i Volya  (Land and Freedom). After the Russian revolutionary anarchist, Mikhail Bakunin, had given the idea of propaganda a theoretical framework, such deeds and acts gained in popularity. Benjamin Grob–Fitzgibbon, “From the Dagger to the Bomb: Karl Heinzen and the Evolution of Political Terror,” Terrorism and Political Violence  16, no. 1 (2004): 97–115. Derek Offord, The  Russian Revolutionary Movement in the 1880s  (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2004).    Yılmaz / Propaganda by the Deed and Hotel Registration Regulations  141 method for their own motives. Consequently, sixty people were killed and two hundred injured in the 1890s alone. 11 The anti-anarchist conference that convened in Rome three months after the assassination of the Austro-Hungarian Empress in Geneva in 1898 was of the utmost importance for the institutionalization of security cooperation. 12  This conference was a milestone in the standardization of police techniques and the establishment of international police cooperation. 13  Bearing in mind that police departments were beginning to use new techniques, the effort to standardize procedures in various locations should not come as a surprise. 14   It ts in the process of the synchronization of modern states. The identi -cation, pursuit, and extradition of criminals must be seen in the context of identity cards, passports, and certicates of residence, which are related to administrative record-keeping and bureaucratic mechanisms for identifying individuals. This was an attempt to create an “administrative network” use-ful both for mapping daily life and for the penal system. For the Ottoman Empire, participation in the Rome Conference was of paramount importance in order to obtain knowledge of new policing methods and to establish an 11. The sheer scale of these acts led the police and media to speculate on the possibility of a worldwide anarchist conspiracy. Ideas circulated that there was a central committee behind the numerous attacks. Furthermore, the perceived strong likelihood of international tumult and riots caused by the collaboration of French and Russian revolutionaries was feared as one of the greatest threats during the period. Laqueur,  History of Terrorism , 53. Jaap Kloosterman, “Hidden Centres: The Rise and Fall of the Secret Societies,”les  /docs/publications/secrsoc–moscow2.pdf ; Jonathan W. Daly,  Autocracy under Siege: Security  Police and Opposition in Russia, 1866–1905  (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1998), 45. For a list of violent acts, see Barry Rubin and Judith Colp Rubin, Chronologies of  Modern Terrorism  (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2008), 6–24. 12. This assassination forced Switzerland to modify its national legislation and tighten  police controls in order to avoid foreign intervention. Geneva’s hosting of foreign anarchists and refugees caused suspicion in and led to reactions by other countries. See Liang,  Rise of  Modern Police , 159–60. However, it is worth emphasizing that the names, birthplaces, residen-tial address details, and personal data of anarchists living in Switzerland were registered from 1889 on. The Ottoman Empire, too, used such data to track anarchists in international coopera-tion. DH.MKT., 77/51. Richard Bach Jensen, “The International Anti–Anarchist Conference of 1898 and the Origins of Interpol,”  Journal of Contemporary History  16, no. 2 (1981): 323–47.13.  In addition, the representatives of the attending states dened the “anarchist act” in accordance with its aim to destroy “all social organization” through violence. This deni -tion was conceived to avoid framing an anarchist act as a political crime. Therefore, it can  be interpreted as an attempt to depoliticize even political violent acts. Richard Bach Jensen, The Battle Against Anarchist Terrorism: An International History, 1878–1934  (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 1–2.14.  Mathieu Daem,  Policing World Society: Historical Foundations of International  Police Cooperation  (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 12–34.
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